Corporate Governance in the U.K.: How a Botched Snap-Election Halted Beneficial Governance Reforms
Here in Financial
Regulation Matters and across the U.K., with regards to those concerned
with Corporate Governance, the collapse of the large retailer British Home Stores (BHS)
has been a cause of great debate, and even greater consternation. The ease with
which the company fell, and the sheer arrogance of those who caused it, led to
Parliamentary investigations and a number of increasingly damning investigations
from Journalists, academics, and commentators. In February, in one of the first
posts here in Financial Regulation
Matters, we looked at the calls to make private
companies abide by the Financial Reporting Council’s Corporate Governance Code
(which is aimed at Public Companies only), whilst later
we also looked at the calls to enforce the implementation of workers and
stakeholders’ interests at Board level, together with the proposed binding-quality
of shareholder votes when it came to Executive compensation. If we take a look
back into the archives of posts, a growing trend of shareholder activism, or
perhaps shareholder responsibility,
was beginning to form in parallel to the stated claims from the Government with
regards to governance reforms. However, in the Queen’s Speech
yesterday, a ceremonial event that marks out the legislative agenda of a given
parliament, all of that momentum was brought to a screeching halt. In this post
we shall therefore assess this development, why it happened, and what it
ultimately means for governance reform.
The momentum referenced above will not be covered here, as
it is has been covered on multiple occasions in previous posts. However, the
governmental incarnation of that momentum will be covered, as it provides for
us an excellent example of a government paying lip-service in the wake of a
massive failure – what we then have to do is examine whether a. the government
had any appetite to enact such reforms in the first place, and b. what this
method of retroactive insincerity means for the hope of protecting the public
from further wrongdoing. In 2016, the Conservative Government laid out its
apparent aims for corporate governance in the U.K. with its ‘Corporate
Governance Reform Green Paper’, which began with a smiling Theresa May
explaining to us that ‘for many ordinary working people – who work hard and
have paid into the system all their lives – it’s not always clear that business
is playing by the same rules as they are’. To counteract this the Government
then pledges to set out ‘a new approach to strengthen big business through
better corporate governance’, which would take the form of focusing upon ‘ensuring
executive pay is properly aligned to long term performance, and raising the bar
for governance standards in the largest privately held companies’. In
demonstrating her neo-liberal philosophy, May continues by stating that ‘these
are issues which are bout competitiveness, and creating the right conditions
for investment, as much as they are issues about fairness’. Leaving aside this
ludicrously patronising sentiment, and the pathetic denial of the devastating
effect governance failures have upon people like the 11,000 who lost
their pensions in the BHS scandal, the importance of the contents of these
green paper make for extraordinary reading because, to all intents and
purposes, it represents the attempt of Theresa May to bring her promises of
protecting ‘ordinary people’ – the nuanced effect of the repeated use of this
term is incredible - from the actions of ‘unscrupulous
company bosses’ to reality.
The green paper suggests that binding votes would enable
shareholders ‘to hold executives to account for performance on an annual basis’,
which it continues by suggesting that the development would also encourage
increased shareholder engagement, which is argued is crucial to good corporate
governance. A good start. The paper then goes on to discuss the ineffectiveness
of ‘Long-Term Incentive Plans, and suggests that some incarnation of extending
the period for Executives retaining share awards would help; it asks for more
assistance from stakeholders and professionals/academics in this regard. So far
so good. The paper then looks at the issue of employee and stakeholder
engagement, and proposes a number of options, including creating ‘stakeholder
advisory panels’, designating non-executive directors to be specified liaisons
with employees and interest groups, and also appointing individual stakeholders
on the Board. Promising! Yes, promising indeed, until yesterday when the focus
on Brexit and backtracking on magnificently awful suggestions during the
election campaign trumped corporate governance concerns entirely.
In the media, a spokeswoman for the constantly
title-changing Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy (BEIS)
stated that the Department was ‘still to respond’ to the Green Paper (when
consultations concluded in February) and that they will outline their response ‘in
the coming months’. The fears
that emanated before the Queen’s Speech have been justified, and quite
rightly have caused a vociferous reaction, with the Trades Union Congress (TUC)
arguing that ‘people
are fed up with one corporate scandal after another and reform is long overdue’;
the absolute absence of Corporate
Governance reform in the Queen’s Speech means that, for the next couple of
years at least, there will be little change to the regulatory framework in the
U.K.
Ultimately, there are a number of ramifications to this
development. One is that it is clear that the electorate do not punish
lip-service; this is not the first time that those in the Conservative
Government (and if we are to be fair, nearly all political parties) have said
one thing and then done another. Another aspect is that the regulatory
framework will now not be altered until the Brexit negotiations have concluded,
which is both a positive and negative: positively, it allows for the Government
to react to the new environment with a newly enhanced framework; negatively, it
allows for the Government to react to the new environment with a newly enhanced
framework – the fears that the Government will turn the Country into a
tax-haven can be realised by a new and more
lenient regulatory framework. The absence of governance reform also
demonstrates the belief of the political elite that ‘ordinary people’ do not
understand or have the appetite to care about corporate governance, and they
have thus focused on more politically visible issues like Brexit, and energy bills.
However, this is a reality created by
the political elite’s rhetoric, combined with the assistance of the mainstream
media – in reality, people do care
greatly about corporate governance and the effect it has on their employment,
their pensions, and many other aspects; the reality
is that affecting corporate governance reforms will reduce the profit and
bonuses of big business, and this is simply not an option for the Conservative
Government because, as Theresa May so nonchalantly declares, ‘the
Government I lead will be unequivocally and unashamedly pro-business’ –
perhaps this represents the other end of the scale to the notion of ‘ordinary’
that she so patronisingly refers to.
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